Introduction

       Ever since the reconciliation in the 1970s, the relationship between China and the United States has always been in the process of transformation. It means that the main pushing power that promotes the development of Sino-U.S. relations and major contents of the bilateral relations have been changing all the time. Up to now, the two countries’ relations have roughly undergone two important transformations and it is transforming into a new stage.  The development of Sino-U.S. relations in future will, to a great extent, be determined by the result of this coming transformation.

Sino-U.S. Relations in Transformation

        Sino-U.S. relations is an extremely special bilateral relations in the past 50 years of international relations.  Reasons for my saying this is, first of all, it is hard for the two countries to find some other important common points other than “super giant” states.  For example, the two countries are at different social development stages, have sharply contrasting cultural backgrounds, with different systems that are difficult to pick up, have a great disparity over respective national strength and contrasting ideologies, etc.

       The second reason is that the two countries’ relations have undergone a unique development process since Mao Zedong and Nixon opened the gate for reconciliation of China and the United States in 1972: at first, strategic cooperation was formed against common threat while were lacking in inner demands.  During the process of strategic cooperation, inner-driving force of developing bilateral relations gradually emerged.  After that began a process of pursuing strategic partnership on a new basis, which by now has roughly undergone two stages.

       The first transformation expands from 1972 to the end of the Cold War.  Past studies have fully demonstrated that during this period, major driving force for China and the United States abandoning confrontation and coming up with reconciliation is their common interest of countering Soviet Union’s expansion and putting an end to the Indo-China War.[1]  However, two issues were overlooked, which later developments proved that their impact is great and long lasting.

       One is about the role and limits of security strategic relations.  In early 1970s, in view of security strategy, Chinese leaders made the decision of reconciliating with the United States.  Yet, readjustment of policy towards the United States ran in an opposite direction with the domestic ultra-“Left” policies.  American leaders placed security strategy on the first agenda as well.  They even did not consider whether Sino-U.S. relations exist some inner value that is not subjected to strategic relations.  Facts show that common strategic interest only promoted détente of Sino-U.S. relations, while the normalization of Sino-U.S. relations is closely connected with China’s decision of reform and opening up to the outside world.  Such is completely synchronizing concerning time period.

       The other related issue is that, when China and the United States were moving towards reconciliation, the supporting forces within respective society were too fragile. That is why both sides had to take measures shaping positive images foe each other so as to make the other side at least look acceptable to the domestic public.  Such acts, combined with the inevitable shocks arising from Sino-U.S. cooperation, created unrealistic fantasy and too high expectations for the other side, making people falsely believe that common interest on security strategy is sufficient to sustain an everlasting Sino-U.S. relations.  The bearing power of such a state of mind was so weak that it intensified misunderstandings and hostility at the time of Sino-U.S. relations taking a turn for the worse.  Up till now, such an imperfect state of mind is continuing influencing people’s understanding of Sino-U.S. relations.

       The second transformation began from the end of the Cold War and lasted to now.  The biggest shock to Sino-U.S. relations brought by the end of the Cold War is the smash of the strategic base that supported Sino-U.S. relations.  For a time, Sino-U.S. relations was as if a ship losing its compass, drafting with the tide in a stormy sea.  At that time, the problem facing the two countries was, with the cover of strategic relations being lifted all of a sudden, problems in the bilateral relations protruded immediately and became critical factors determining the future of Sino-U.S. relations.  Normal development of Sino-U.S. relations depends on whether both sides would be able to solve differences exposed in bilateral relations under the situation that bases have been seriously crippled and cast a new base for Sino-U.S. relations at the same time.

       Problems in Sino-U.S. relations can be roughly divided into three categories.  The first category involves problems that concern China’s sovereignty and territory such as Taiwan and Tibet, among which Taiwan issue is of the greatest representation.  Taiwan issue once led to a drastic slide back of Sino-U.S. relations in summer of 1995 and military confrontation arose in spring of 1996.  The conclusion drawn from all these warns that there still exists possibility of a war between China and the United States.  The second category goes to ideological conflict, with the central issue was human rights at the time.  It has been seriously restrained the improvement of Sino-U.S. relations and affected Sino-U.S. relations in all aspects on a deep level.  The third category is frictions over economy and trade, among which intellectual property right is of the most representation that has many times pushed China and the United States to the brink of a trade war.  Bases being seriously crippled, it is a real test for both sides to solve above-mentioned problems in bilateral relations.

       In autumn, 1997, leaders of both countries jointly proposed building a “constructive strategic partnership”, signaling Sino-U.S. relations has picked up finally.  Results gained through the exchange visits of heads of state of both countries are out of expectation, both in form and essence.  Its great implication lies in that it affirmed a new base on which Sino-U.S. relations rely for maintenance and development.  Such a new base regarded mutual beneficial economic and trade relations as the core and cooperation in trade and security as a pillar.  Although it did not look that solid, its bearing power was unprecedented.  Not only major conflicts within the bilateral relations have been resolved or relieved on that base, the strategic relations between the two countries has also been maintained and strengthened to some extent.  More important, Sino-U.S. relations has transformed from simply driving by “external forces (for dealing with their common external threat)” to a two-way driving type with both “internal forces (arising from decisions for cooperation from respective major domestic policies)” and “external forces (need for cooperation on global and regional security affairs)”.

       It is worth pointing out that progress made in Sino-U.S. relations at this stage has its special conditions.  Moreover, these conditions are of universal significance for both past and future.

       Firstly, decision-making bodies of both countries show desires for developing relations.  Such desires arose from major domestic policies of both China and the United States.  As soon as Clinton entered the White House, he set a national policy of rejuvenating U.S. economy.  At the same time, spurred on Deng Xiaoping’s talks during his inspection tour in China, China was striving for a new step up in economy so as to secure the strategic objective of quadrupling its gross national economic product by the end of this century.  The common desire of developing a mutual beneficial economic and trade cooperative relationship has become the main power for decision-making bodies of both China and the United States who were determined to improve the bilateral relations.  After 1996, strive for maintaining and expanding cooperation in security field has strengthened the momentum for the improvement of Sino-U.S. relations.

       Facts show that the power strength that inside societies of China and the United States for developing bilateral relations are different, with the desire for developing Sino-U.S. relations inside Chinese society exceeds that of U.S..  Such desires in the Chinese society include developing economic and trade relations with the United States, learning advanced science and technology from U.S. and getting to know U.S. culture.  It even includes learning U.S. democratic politics in China’s political reform in some aspects.  For example, U.S. organizations cooperate in China’s village elections and are approved by the Chinese government.  In all, the United States is an important reference to China’s modernization drive.  On the other hand, the U.S. side thinks more of trade and security needs and its inner demand for developing relations with China is not as strong as China’s.